| And we share a common interest in development that advances dignity and security. To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity. Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctors who care for the sick. We should support countries that confront corruption, and allow their people to innovate. And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they allow women and girls to reach their full potential. |
我們在有助于促進尊嚴與安全的發(fā)展問題上擁有共同利益。為了取得成功，我們必須拋開沖動，不再視世界貧窮地區(qū)為從事慈善事業(yè)的場所。相反，我們應(yīng)該發(fā)揮曾經(jīng)幫助我們本國人民實現(xiàn)繁榮的同樣的力量——我們應(yīng)該幫助饑餓的人們養(yǎng)活自己，幫助照顧病人的醫(yī)生們；我們應(yīng)該支持反腐敗的國家，歡迎本國人民的創(chuàng)新；我們應(yīng)該傳播這樣一個真理，即只有讓婦女和女孩充分發(fā)揮其潛力的國家才能繁榮。 |
| We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against fascism. And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Africa. In country after country, people are mobilizing to free themselves from the grip of an iron fist. And while these movements for change are just six months old, we have seen them play out before -- from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia. |
我們從事這些工作，因為我們不僅僅相信國家的權(quán)利，而且相信公民的權(quán)利。這是一盞指路明燈，曾經(jīng)指引我們打擊法西斯主義。今天，這個信念正在中東和北非接受考驗。在一個又一個的國家，人們動員起來，要求擺脫鐵腕統(tǒng)治。雖然這些要求變革的運動只有六個月之久，但我們曾親眼目睹他們的聲勢——從東歐到美洲；從南非到東南亞。 |
| History tells us that democracy is not easy. It will be years before these revolutions reach their conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without a fight -- particularly in places where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect. We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -- from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century. |
歷史告訴我們，民主并非易事。這些革命需要多年才能取得結(jié)果，過程中將會遇到艱辛險阻。權(quán)力的割舍極少不經(jīng)過斗爭，在具有部落和宗派分裂的地區(qū)更是如此。我們也知道，民粹主義可能發(fā)生危險的轉(zhuǎn)化——從利用民主來否決少數(shù)族群權(quán)利的極端主義，到20世紀在這塊大陸上留下許多傷痕的民族主義。 |
| But make no mistake: What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don't want to be free, or need to have democracy imposed upon them. It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda, which smothers the rights of individuals, and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty and violence. |
可是不要誤解：我們過去和當前在德黑蘭、突尼斯和解放廣場看到的景象，是人民渴望我們在自己家園視為理所當然的同樣自由。它反駁了認為世界上某些地區(qū)的人民不需要自由或者需要將民主強加于他們的觀點，也駁斥了“基地”組織扼殺個人權(quán)利、使人們永遠深陷貧窮和暴力的世界觀。 |
| Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free. And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds. That means investing in the future of those nations that transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt -- by deepening ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity. And that means standing up for universal rights -- by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society, supporting the rights of minorities. |
這一點不容置疑：美國和英國堅定地站在渴望自由者的旁邊。現(xiàn)在我們必須將言詞化為行動。這意味著為正在轉(zhuǎn)向民主的國家的未來做出投資，從突尼西斯和埃及開始——通過加深貿(mào)易與商業(yè)的紐帶；通過幫助他們證明自由會帶來繁榮。這也意味著支持普世權(quán)利——通過制裁實施壓制的人、強化公民社會，以及支持少數(shù)族群的權(quán)利。 |
| We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa -- a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past. For years, we've faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse. And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring interests in the region -- to fight terror, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions of the world's energy supply. But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy. For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -- that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are more successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have. |
我們這樣做時深知，西方世界必須克服中東和北非許多人的懷疑和不信任──這種不信任源于艱難的歷史。多年來，我們一再面臨那些聽到我們擁護自由但他們無法享受自由的人指責我們虛偽。因此，我們必須對他們坦然承認，我們對該地區(qū)具有持久的利益——與或許不總是十分理想的伙伴共同打擊恐怖主義和防止世界能源供應(yīng)受到干擾。但是我們也必須堅持表明，我們認為那種只能在自身的利益和理想之間，在穩(wěn)定和民主之間作出選擇的觀點是謬誤的。因為我們的理想主義是基于歷史的真情——鎮(zhèn)壓只會提供穩(wěn)定的假象；公民自由的社會更為成功；民主體制是我們最密切的同盟。 |
| It is that truth that guides our action in Libya. It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this was our business -- that a nation's sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians within its borders. That argument carries weight with some. But we are different. We embrace a broader responsibility. And while we cannot stop every injustice, there are circumstances that cut through our caution -- when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is calling for action. That's why we stopped a massacre in Libya. And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted. |
正是這種真理指引著我們在利比亞的行動。在利比亞實施鎮(zhèn)壓之初我們本可輕易地說，此事與我們無關(guān)，一國的主權(quán)比其境內(nèi)公民遭到屠殺來得重要。一些人確實信從這種論點。可是我們不然。我們接受更廣泛的責任。雖然我們無法制止每一種不義，但是有些情況要求我們不能謹小慎微——當一個領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人揚言屠殺自己的人民，國際社會在呼吁采取行動之時。那就是為什么我們制止了利比亞的大屠殺。在利比亞的人民受到保護、暴政的陰影消散之前，我們不會松懈。 |
| We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad. Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from without. But we can and must stand with those who so struggle. Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people's children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more free -- from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interests and our ideals. And if we fail to meet that responsibility, who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on? |
我們會以虛懷繼續(xù)前進，并且知道我們不可能主導(dǎo)國外的每一種結(jié)局。最終，自由必須由人們自己來爭取，而不是從外部強加。但是我們可以，也必須和那些如此奮斗的人站在一起。因為我們一貫相信──從諾曼底到巴爾干到班加西——如果其他人的子孫更富足自由，我們自己的子孫也會有更美好的未來。那就是我們的利益和理想。如果我們無法實現(xiàn)那份責任，誰能取而代之？我們將會傳下什么樣的世界？ |
| Our action -- our leadership -- is essential to the cause of human dignity. And so we must act -- and lead -- with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today. |
我們的行動——我們的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用——對于人類尊嚴的事業(yè)至關(guān)重要。因此我們必須采取行動——并且發(fā)揮領(lǐng)導(dǎo)作用——懷著對我們的理想的信心以及對今天讓我們來到此地的我們?nèi)嗣竦钠犯竦男判摹?/td>
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![U.S. President Barack Obama (L) and British Prime Minister David Cameron (R) play table tennis with students of the Globe Academy school in London. Queen Elizabeth II on Tuesday deployed British royalty's grandest pomp for Obama, on a state visit meant to prove a 'special relationship' remains 'essential' in a world of shifting power. [Xinhua/AFP Photo]](http://images.china.cn/attachement/jpg/site1007/20110527/00114320def10f495cf307.jpg "U.S. President Barack Obama (L) and British Prime Minister David Cameron (R) play table tennis with students of the Globe Academy school in London. Queen Elizabeth II on Tuesday deployed British royalty's grandest pomp for Obama, on a state visit meant to prove a 'special relationship' remains 'essential' in a world of shifting power. [Xinhua/AFP Photo]")
